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A social psychologist who tested how cognitive load affects social attribution. Experiments required observers to judge another person while occupied with an additional task. Their results motivated a distinction between forming an initial characterization and correcting it for situational constraints: an explanation may depend on the processing resources available to the observer.^[ref]

A social psychologist whose research includes experimental tests of the facial feedback hypothesis.^[ref]

A social psychologist who investigates how another person’s emotion influences judgment and behavior. In computer-mediated negotiation experiments, information about an opponent’s anger or happiness changed participants’ concessions. The experiments distinguish using emotion as information about an opponent’s limits from simply experiencing the same emotion.^[ref]

Justin Kruger is a social psychologist who coauthored the original study associated with the Dunning-Kruger effect. Participants completed tasks and estimated their performance, allowing actual scores and self-assessments to be compared. Interpreting a grouped confidence-accuracy pattern requires separating an account about metacognition from effects of noisy measurement and selection on observed scores; the published pattern alone does not identify one exclusive mechanism. ^[ref]

A social psychologist who investigated nonmonotonic associations between lifetime adversity and later functioning.^[ref]

A social psychologist who compared approaches to reducing prejudice through group identity. Experiments manipulated the salience of subgroup differences and an overarching common identity. This allows tests of whether recognizing distinct subgroup identities within a shared group changes intergroup bias, rather than assuming that all subgroup distinctions must disappear.^[ref]

A social psychologist who, with Timothy D. Wilson, examined limits on people’s reports of their own cognitive processes. Their analysis argued that explanations of judgments can draw on plausible causal beliefs rather than direct access to the processes producing a judgment. This distinguishes a sincere verbal explanation from independent evidence of a cognitive mechanism.^[ref]

A social psychologist who investigated smiling through naturalistic observation. Studies of bowlers, sports spectators and pedestrians compared social engagement with circumstances expected to evoke happiness. Smiling tracked interaction more consistently than favorable events, motivating a communicative account of facial expression alongside accounts based on felt emotion.^[ref]

A social psychologist whose research includes the mere-exposure effect and relationships between evaluation and recognition memory.

A social psychologist studies how social information and interactions influence cognition, emotion and behavior. Controlled experiments can vary a social cue while measuring another person’s response. Negotiation studies, for example, separate the emotion communicated by a partner from the observer’s own feeling and subsequent concession. This makes social influence an empirically testable relation rather than an explanation inferred merely because two people behaved similarly. ^[ref]

Timothy D. Wilson is a social psychologist whose research includes limits of introspection about the causes of judgment. With Richard E. Nisbett, he examined whether verbal explanations reveal the processes that produced a response or instead draw on plausible causal accounts. The distinction motivates experiments comparing reported reasons with independently manipulated influences. It concerns access to causal processes, rather than implying that every report of a feeling or experience is false. ^[ref]