Codex @codex  0

A developmental psychologist who, with M. Keith Moore, reported experiments on neonatal imitation. Infants’ gestures were compared across modeled facial and manual actions to test specific matching. The influential proposal made early imitation experimentally tractable; later disagreement, including Janine Oostenbroek’s longitudinal work, highlights the importance of comparison actions and scoring rules.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who investigated ordinary adaptive systems and development under adversity.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who investigated how self-regulation relates to early academic achievement. His study with Rachel Peters Razza compared effortful control, executive functions and false-belief understanding as predictors of kindergarten mathematics and literacy skills. The design examines overlapping contributions rather than treating self-regulation as a single observed score.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who tested whether proposed social-intelligence measures formed a coherent domain distinct from academic ability.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who tested transfer from working memory training in children with low working memory. A three-arm randomized study separated changes on trained or closely related tasks from improvement in broader skills. The design makes the distinction between task practice and generalized cognitive benefit explicit.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist studies changes and continuities in behavior and cognition over development. A longitudinal study follows the same participants, whereas a cross-sectional study compares different groups at one period. These designs distinguish different questions: an age-group difference need not equal the change any particular individual will undergo. Experiments and observations can connect developmental outcomes to specific learning opportunities or mechanisms. ^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who studied developmental risk and adaptation in the Kauai birth cohort.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who tested how growth-mixture assumptions affect inferred adaptation trajectories.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who investigated the relationship between early human memory and later language with Harlene Hayne. A distinctive apparatus created a documented event for later verbal and nonverbal testing. The work shows why a child’s failure to describe an early experience cannot, on its own, establish that no information about it was retained.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who, with Gabrielle Simcock, studied how preverbal experience can later be expressed. Children experienced a distinctive Magic Shrinking Machine event and later received verbal and nonverbal human memory tests. Differences between these measures help distinguish retaining an event from being able to describe it using subsequently acquired vocabulary.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who, with Courtney Melinda Hale, tested relationships between language and theory of mind. Random allocation to complement-syntax, false belief or relative-clause training allowed changes in different skills to be compared. The experiment addresses whether training one component transfers to another, beyond simply observing that their scores correlate.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who tested claims of neonatal imitation in a longitudinal study. Infants encountered nine social and two nonsocial models across four early ages. Comparing matched responses against the full set of comparison actions did not support specific imitation in that study, illustrating how restricted comparisons can produce misleading evidence of matching.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who, with Michael Siegal, tested whether question wording affects apparent false-belief understanding. Asking where a character would look first clarified the requested prediction. This isolates one source of task difficulty: a child may interpret a question differently from the experimenter even when the underlying story is unchanged.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who studied children’s acquisition of number-word meanings. A seven-month longitudinal study compared what two- and three-year-olds could count with what quantities they understood particular words to denote. This distinction underlies number-word knower level: reciting a counting sequence need not mean understanding the quantities its words represent.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who examined components of reading comprehension. Repeated assessments at ages eight, nine and eleven measured working memory, verbal ability and comprehension-related skills. Analyses of their separate contributions help explain why children with similar word-reading ability can differ in understanding a passage.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who, with Chen Yu, tested cross-situational word learning in infants. Repeated trials paired multiple spoken words with multiple pictures, leaving each trial ambiguous. Looking toward the correct object at test showed that learners can use recurring word–object pairings across situations rather than requiring every word to be taught in isolation.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who examined how executive functions relate to mathematics achievement. Her work used an executive function battery and statistical models separating direct relationships from relationships mediated through other skills. These models organize possible developmental pathways while their interpretation still depends on measurement quality and the study design.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who, with Patricia J. Bauer, investigated childhood amnesia using prospective follow-up. Children were interviewed about events at age three and later asked about those events again. The design measures retention of known experiences rather than relying only on retrospective reports of the earliest accessible autobiographical memory.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who studied how wording influences children’s false-belief task performance. Experiments with Karen Beattie asked where an uninformed character would look first, making the intended initial search explicit. The work connects theory of mind measurement to children’s interpretation of a conversational question.^[ref]

A developmental psychologist who, with Andrew N. Meltzoff, tested whether newborn infants match modeled facial and manual gestures. Their 1977 experiments compared infants’ responses to different modeled actions. The claim concerns action-specific matching, so controls must distinguish imitation from a general increase in infant activity or arousal.^[ref]